Chapter 2:
1940-1941
The North Bucovina
was incorporated by the Soviet Union into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist
Republic (one of the 16 Soviet Socialist Republics), unlike Bessarabia
which was incorporated into the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic.
(Today they are Ukraine and Moldavia). During the years preceding 1940,
the Rumanians, fearing an attempt by the Russians to take over part
of their territory, had concentrated a number of army units in Bessarabia
and in the Bucovina, around the town of Seletin, which was fairly close
to the border with the Soviet Union, who at that time had already taken
over part of Poland. These army units were engaged in training for combat
and building defense fortifications. When the Russians served Rumania
the ultimatum and gave them 3 days to get out of the area, the Rumanians
gave in and started a fairly orderly retreat in a peaceful way -- in
a sense that no violence occurred. But what did happen was that the
Rumanians went from house to house and confiscated every means of transportation,
which in those days were horses and carriages and everything that could
walk, which was livestock. In our case, they came to the house and took
our horse and carriage and a couple of cows, for which they gave a receipt,
which was good for nothing and they left.
Soon after the
first Russian units arrived, the population went to the commander of
that unit to tell him that the Rumanians robbed the people of horses
and livestock, which they were not supposed to do according to the terms
of the ultimatum. The Russian commander advised the people to go after
them and get their properties back. My father in his naivetÈ,
went after the retreating Rumanian Army in the western direction to
a town called Shipot. After having walked for about 8 km. he met a Rumanian
unit, who arrested him and placed him on a field, together with a number
of other people, who had been arrested also because they were trying
to recover their property. There was a definite danger that these people
would be killed, as there was no question of a trial. The life of a
person wasn't worth much, especially a Jewish life. When my father did
not return we became very worried. But he realized the danger he was
in and during the night he succeeded in running away into a forest and
slowly made his way home arriving the next day, without the horse and
carriage and without the livestock.
At that point
there were no more Rumanian military or any other Rumanian authorities
in the town of Seletin. The Russians installed their own administration
and a whole new life began. Everything was different: language, laws,
regulations, no more private stores, no more private property, etc.
During the changeover
the population was very apprehensive, excited and divided. There were
those who were sorry to see the Rumanians go. But others were glad to
get rid of the Rumanians and welcomed the Russians with open arms. These
were part of the working class and sympathizers of the Communists from
way back. These people would have the shock of their lives because of
the disappointing economic performance of the Soviets. But also because
of the political terror the new administration instituted with arrests
and detentions of all kinds for, what we considered, no reason at all.
People started to be afraid to talk to each other, even in front of
family members. These were part of the worst years under the Stalinist
dictatorship.
It was the beginning
of the summer of 1940 and I was thinking of continuing my education,
but I was unable to return for my last year of high school, because
Radauti, where my high school was located had remained on the Rumanian
side. My father was left without his store, therefore without any means
of making a living and so we were looking for something to do to earn
a living.
At that time
the Russians started to built fortifications and needed construction
materials. My father bought another horse and carriage realizing that
it could provide us with a job. And indeed the Russians hired us and
a number of others to transport sand to a construction site about 6
km. away. That is what I did during the summer of 1940 and it was actually
the first summer that I really worked. Under the Rumanians it was inconceivable
that a high school student coming home for a summer vacation should
do any work at all. It was beach, reading, playing cards, and so on.
It wasn't as is usual in North America for a high school student to
look for a summer job and earn some money in the process.
As the fall
of 1940 approached, I was thinking of continuing my education, but,
as there was no high school in my town and I could not return to my
old one, I got in touch with my mother's sister, Dora, who lived in
Czernowitz and the family decided to send me there to attend some kind
of school. I could have registered to the University of Czernowitz to
any number of faculties, but everything had changed. The language of
instruction was either Russian or Ukrainian and since I didn't know
any of these languages, I decided to register again to the last year
of high school, which was the tenth year of instruction under the Russian
educational system, to a Jewish high school. It was the Jewish high
school #5 in Czernowitz, where everything was taught and studied in
Yiddish.
And so in the
fall of 1940, I and Jacques started attending that school. All the books,
like history, geography, physics, chemistry, math, etc. were in Yiddish.
These books came to us from Kiev and Moscow and the whole instruction
was in Yiddish. The principal of the school and some of the teachers
were sent from the Ukraine, especially from Kiev, and a number of other
teachers for different subjects like math and Yiddish were recruited
locally. I remember the professor for Yiddish was Professor Ginninger,
the professors for math were Segal and Blum. These were highly qualified
professionals and the school was one of the best schools I have ever
attended. The instruction was fair, so was the grading, not as it was
in the Rumanian high school, where a Jewish student had to know for
a mark of 10 to obtain a 5. There was a very good relationship between
the teachers and the students.
Of course, being
a Jewish school, all the students and the teachers were Jewish. This
helped create an atmosphere of camaraderie and familiarity. Situations
of disrespect and disruptions were absent. Students who fell behind
in their studies were helped by others, and teachers were available
for extracurricular instruction. We used to go frequently to plays at
the Ukrainian and Jewish State Theatres, to concerts -- classical and
jazz -- and to restaurants with good dance music. Not having much money,
we used to order a cup of tea and stay 2-3 hours. Nobody cared: the
restaurant belonged to the State. Every classroom had a wall newspaper,
with articles written by students about subjects relating to school
activities. All articles followed the party line. The heading of the
newspaper was hand-painted in a very artistic way. Jacques was especially
talented and produced the most beautiful of all.
As the year
progressed, more and more students became enthusiastic about the activities
at school and about the methods used by the teachers. We had all kinds
of activities, plays, cultural events with the participation of famous
actors from the Yiddish State Theatre. We had sporting events, many
done on skis like cross-country skiing, military games on skis, etc.
Of course all the activities had political overtones and were very one-sided
towards the Soviet Union, the Communist ideology and against the capitalist
system.
We, as students,
felt good in school. Conditions in school and the enthusiasm of the
students translated itself into a desire to become a member or the Communist
youth organization, the Comsomol. It was extremely hard to become a
member of the Comsomol because it was a very discerning process. One
had to have to one's credit academic achievements, excel in sports,
political activity, (as per party line) and last but not least a "proper
social background" (member of the working class). But once you
became a member of the Comsomol, if you continued to behave in a politically
correct manner, it was a sure thing that eventually you would become
a member of the Communist Party and then a bright future was awaiting
you. Without a Party membership, it was very difficult to have a proper
career and so everybody aimed to become a member of the Comsomol and
eventually a member of the Communist Party.
At one point
I was told that I could apply to become a member of the Comsomol and
in due course I did become a member, receiving my little red membership
book and therefore was almost assured of a bright future within the
Soviet Union
Nobody in those
days even thought about the possibility of a war coming between the
Soviet Union and Germany, because there was the non-aggression pact
between these two countries in force at the time and as such nobody
really worried about anything.
In the fall
of 1940, German officers started to appear on the streets of Czernowitz.
Their reason for being there was the voluntary registration of all ethnic
Germans for the purpose of emigrating to Germany. Almost all of them
registered and left for different parts of Germany assigned to them.
There the men were recruited into the German Army, many of them into
the SS units, and most of them died on the Eastern front. Eventually
they all had a miserable life and many died after suffering all the
deprivations of the war. The few survivors stated after the war how
sorry they were to have emigrated.
Seeing the German
officers walking the streets of Czernowitz, one had to assume that they
were a civilized lot. Nobody could have imagined that these people were
capable of the subsequent atrocities.
A terrible shock
came in the spring of 1941, when, one night, the security units of the
NKVD (state Security Police) came to town and arrested a big number
of people. People that were on a list they must have had from before,
like former businessmen, factory owners etc., whom they considered exploiters.
Among those arrested were some boys and girls, students in our school
and their parents.
When they were
arrested and taken to the train station and kept there, we tried to
go to the train station to see them and bring them some food and clothing,
but we were prevented to do so by a cordon of soldiers who surrounded
the trains and did not let anybody through. These people were then deported
to Siberia, many of them never returned, having died of hunger and disease.
Here and there someone survived and even returned several years after
the end of the war. So this shock of having experienced first hand the
deportation of some people that we knew, of students and colleagues
of ours, represented the first major disappointment of life and goings
on within the Soviet Union.
The school year
continued and ended in June 1941. This being the last year of high school,
we started to organize a big year end graduation party and dance, for
which we had prepared music for dancing and bought all kinds of food.
Everything was ready for the evening of June 22, 1941 for a big celebration.
What we did not figure was the fact that on the same June 22, 1941,
at about 4 a.m., the city woke up to the sound of explosions all over.
Germany had broken the non-aggression pact and attacked the Soviet Union
on land and in the air, by bombing airports in most western Soviet cities
like Kiev, Lvov, Minsk, Czernowitz, etc. Without any declaration of
war, the Germans started to advance into the Soviet Union and caused
havoc and panic among the population of Czernowitz and among the population
of the Soviet Union in general. This, in turn, resulted in a breakdown
of the administration, of civil authority, of commercial activity; it
was complete chaos. People began to hoard everything they could get
their hands on. The feeling of fear took hold, especially among the
Jews, when they saw the Russians fleeing.
One morning,
Jacques and I went out to a street nearby where a truck was parked and,
on it, we saw people from Seletin. We asked about our parents and they
told us that everybody in Seletin fled, including our parents, but where
they went they didn't know. Atrocities committed by the Germans and
the Rumanians were well-known to the Jewish population, so there was
good reason to become panicky. Everything that we had prepared for the
year end party was divided among students of our class and taken home
because, instantly there was a shortage of food and certainly no party
was going to take place.
I spoke to Jacques
Ernst, my best friend, regarding our options, whether we should remain
in Czernowitz under the German-Rumanian occupation or maybe also run
for our lives as a lot of other people did. Some even left walking in
the Eastern direction, as was the case of two brothers Anczel and Willie
Lecker, cousins of mine. Eventually they reached Tashkent in Uzbekistan
and survived the war there.
Some young men
were taken into the Red Army, as was the case with a lad from Seletin,
by the name of Berl Neumann, 20, whom we met. He was in military uniform
and was driving an army truck fleeing East. People were running in any
direction as long as it was away from the Germans. And so at one point
we decided to leave and not remain under the Germans, especially since
we found out that our parents also fled and we were hoping that we could
meet them somewhere inside the Soviet Union.
We packed a
rucksack each with whatever we could stuff into it and decided to go
down to the train station to find out if we could get on one of the
trains leaving the station. We had made up our minds that if we could
board a train that would take us deep into the Soviet Union or at least
into the Ukraine, then we would get on that train. If that were impossible,
then we would not continue our journey walking, as in fact many others
did, because we figured that it was too difficult to walk thousands
of kilometers. So the decision was made, in that case, to abandon the
whole project if we couldn't get transportation and take our chances.
On the way to
the train station, we stopped at two friends of our families, the family
Jagermann and the family Gensler, to say goodbye. They both tried to
persuade us not to go considering the dangers that we were facing and
since we were only 18 years old. But we decided to try anyway. So we
continued to walk and as we approached the train station we saw that
it was surrounded by soldiers who did not let anybody pass into the
station. We then decided that we would walk to the next station, Zuczika,
which was only a few kilometers away. We would try there to get on a
train that was coming from Czernowitz and going east. So we walked to
Zuczika and waited for a train that would take us. Trains were coming
all the time but they were over filled with military personnel and civilians
and nobody would let us in. After waiting at the station for more than
24 hours, a train arrived and stopped. After a little while somebody,
who was on the train called our names. It turned out to be a boy with
whom we went to elementary school in Seletin, by the name of Eli Neumann,
brother of Berl Neumann, mentioned before. He was on one of the wagons
full of people, but who succeeded to become a kind of a leader of the
people in that wagon. He made place for us inside that car and we boarded
the train. He was an apprentice barber and even though he was only 18
years old, coming from a very poor family, already made some money giving
haircuts and shaves, money that he shared with us, as we were completely
helpless. The train was not a normal passenger train, but consisted
of a number of cattle wagons, each of which was full to the limit.
After standing
at the station for a very long time, the train finally moved. It was
June 29, 1941 when we left Czernowitz and none too soon. On July 6 1941,
Czernowitz fell to the Rumanians.
The distance
to the former Soviet border, which was the Dniester river, was only
45 km, but it took the train 48 hours to get there. There were frequent
long stops for no apparent reason and several times the train was attacked
by German planes with bombs and machine gun fire.
During those
attacks the people on the train ran into the fields, hiding in wheat
fields, but the Germans succeeded in killing some and wounding others.
We hid most of the time behind those big steel wheels under the wagons.
As we approached the bridge over the Dniester, leading into the city
of Zalescziky on the other side, there was unusual activity all along
the train. Russian security units were searching the train for spies,
or so we were told, who had committed sabotage. One person was arrested
and summarily executed.
We finally made
it across the bridge and into the Zalescziky railway station, which
was close to the bridge. As soon as we were on the other side, the bridge
was blown up by the retreating Russians and whole sections fell into
the river, causing a terrible problem in the fall of 1941, of which
I will relate later.
On the platform
of the Zalescziky railway station, there was a huge tank and a clear
liquid poured out of a small hole in the tank, running onto the pavement.
It turned out to be pure alcohol. The hole was made by a shot fired
from a gun, so as to waste the alcohol and not let it fall into German
hands. We filled two bottles because that was all the bottles we could
find. The alcohol turned out to be very valuable. We used most of it
to barter for food. We kept some and used it as a disinfectant. Also,
because the train was stopped a long time, we went into town, found
a working bakery, begged and received two loaves of bread, that kept
us alive for the next 48 hours.
When the train
finally moved, it was again a stop and go situation for the next 48
hours, during which time we advanced another 45 km. passing through
towns like Tluste and the city of Czortkow, and arriving to the train
station of the city of Kopuczinze. As soon as the train pulled into
the station, German planes attacked with heavy bombardment and destroyed
most everything: buildings, warehouses and a good part of the railway
tracks leading from the city in the northern direction. While we were
there, we saw for the first time an armored train on one of the other
tracks, consisting of several cars and a locomotive, all armored and
heavily armed with canons and machine guns. After the bombing, the armored
train pulled ahead of our train, trying to make way for the other trains,
but got stuck in a forest nearby, because the tracks had been destroyed,
and after having stopped, was attacked by German paratroopers that the
Germans had launched into that forest. All this happened during the
night, and when morning came we were told that there is no way that
the trains will ever move again.
The train we
were on, as well as the other trains, were ready transport facilities
meant to transport units of the Red Army to the East. When all of them
stopped, we saw soldiers from those trains abandoning their weapons,
deserting their army units and trying to blend in among the civilians
so as not to be captured and become German war prisoners.
We were faced
again with having to make an important decision. As there were around
a thousand people milling around the station, most of us decided to
walk along the railway tracks in the hope that we would arrive somewhere
at a highway, where we would beg the retreating Russians to take us
along in one of their trucks.
At the railway
station, before starting to walk, we supplied ourselves with as many
cans of canned fish in tomato sauce as we could carry from the bombed
out warehouses and then we were on our way.
After walking
for several hours, we came to a clearing, from which we saw at a distance
of about 2 km a convoy of trucks heading in the direction we wanted
to go and the hoods of these trucks were covered with red flags, clearly
visible from where we were standing. We were relieved to see them and
so we started to walk towards the highway, but when we got close, we
saw that the red flags had in the center a white circle in the middle
of which there was a black swastika. The Germans had broken through
the front at Lvov on July 5, 1941 and advanced without encountering
any resistance. It was July 7, 1941, when we fell under the Germans.
We were trapped.
The area where
we ended up is part of Galizia. Just like the Bucovina, Galizia was
part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire until 1918. When the Austro-Hungarian
Empire fell apart after being on the losing side during World War I,
Galizia was given to Poland, having partly a Polish population. Most
of the population, though, was Ukrainian, but the events of 1917 in
Russia (the Bolshevik revolution), placed the Ukraine as one of the
Soviet Republics and that is why Galizia was given to Poland by the
Allies at the Versailles treaty.
Galizia remained
part of Poland until Poland was partitioned between Germany and the
Soviet Union in the fall of 1939, when it became part of the Soviet
Union, being incorporated into the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.
The Ukrainian
population was always nationalistic, dreaming of an independent Ukrainian
State, free from Russia.
Hitler exploited
this feeling and fooled the Ukrainians into believing that the Germans
will support such a dream. That is why most Ukrainians felt as allies
of the Germans and prepared themselves even when still under the Soviet
regime for the day when they will be "liberated" by the Germans.
That explains that when I arrived there the day after the German conquest,
they displayed Ukrainian flags, had instantly a Ukrainian police, etc.
Almost all the
cities, towns and villages also had a Jewish population, organized in
communities with synagogues, rabbis, etc. They were part of the local
scene and even though antisemitism was rampant, they played an important
role in the economic life of the region.